Florida carried out an execution on September 1, 2026. It was the state's fourteenth of 2026, and the twenty-fourth in the United States.
Fourteen of twenty-four. That is 58 percent. I did that division myself, on a public table anyone can open, and the table is linked below. Fifty states, and one of them is running more than half of the country's death chamber.
That ratio is the story. Not the case, not the crime, not the man. The ratio, and the three lines of Florida law that let a single office produce it.
Twenty-three, then September 1 made twenty-four
The count comes from the Death Penalty Information Center's execution list for 2026, which is the standing national tally and is stamped with the date it was last touched. As of its August 18, 2026 update, read on the morning of September 1, the page stated: "23 prisoners have been executed in 6 states in the United States in 2026." Its September 1, 2026 update, read the next morning, states: "24 prisoners have been executed in 6 states in the United States in 2026."
Six states, before and after. The state column now tallies to twenty-four: Florida fourteen, Texas four, Oklahoma three, then Alabama, Arizona and Tennessee with one apiece. Fourteen plus ten is twenty-four, which is the number the page prints at the top, so the column and the headline agree.
Nothing else was added in between. DPIC's upcoming executions page and its 2026 warrant-outcomes table, both updated August 31 and again September 1, list no execution anywhere in the country between August 18 and September 1 except Florida's. So the national total stood at 23 going into the morning of September 1, 2026, and that day's execution made it 24. The warrant-outcomes table now records it as carried out.
The state's own paperwork says the same thing, and a national nonprofit is not the government. The Florida Department of Corrections publishes Execution List: 1976 – present, a 139-row table of every execution the state has carried out in the modern era, with the date, the county of conviction and the years each person spent on death row. The 2026 rows number fourteen, ending September 1. The state and the tally agree, row for row.
Every number in this article is dated, and it moves. The percentage above is true as of DPIC's September 1, 2026 execution-list update and warrant tables, read September 2, 2026. If you are reading this later, open the two links and recount. That is the whole method here.
It will move soon. The same warrant table lists two more Florida warrants as active, for September 10 and September 29, 2026, and no other state's before September 16. Those are scheduled, not done, and this article does not count them. A warrant is not an execution until it is: warrants get stayed, withdrawn and reprieved, and that table lists fifteen from this year that went inactive. Recount when the dates pass.
A power with no rule you can read
You are not on death row and you are not going to be. This still belongs in front of you, because it is the cleanest available demonstration of how much a single American office can do without ever explaining itself.
In most states that still execute people, courts set execution dates once appeals are exhausted. In Florida, the decision rests with the governor. And, as ProPublica's Pamela Colloff reported in June, the Florida Supreme Court has long held that setting an execution date is an exercise of executive authority, which puts it outside the state's otherwise wide open-records law. There is no published standard, no filed criteria, no docket. Maria DeLiberato, a Tampa attorney with the ACLU's Capital Punishment Project, put the consequence to Colloff plainly: "He could be deciding who is next to die by throwing darts at a list of names, or spinning a roulette wheel."
That is a description of a power with no visible rule inside it. And a power with no visible rule inside it is not a death-penalty question. It is a government question, and the answer applies to every other thing that office touches: how a hurricane fund gets spent, which local ordinance gets voided, whose appointment gets made. Florida has spent a decade teaching people that decisions made in that building do not have to be shown to them, and one version of that runs through votes that already happened.
There is a cost to the machinery too. Texas, historically the busiest death chamber in the country, requires at least ninety days between the setting of a date and the execution. In Florida the gap between the signature and the death runs about a month. Colloff's reporting follows what that compression does to the lawyers who are supposed to find the thing everybody missed, and to the state agency that is supposed to represent people at the end of their appeals. You are paying for that agency. It is being asked to do a ninety-day job in thirty, on a schedule nobody else sets.
A signature, eight jurors, and a mercy nobody uses
Three provisions. All of them are public, all of them are short, and none of them are secret.
One: the sentence does not happen until the governor signs. Florida Statutes § 922.052 says it in one sentence: "The sentence shall not be executed until the Governor issues a warrant, attaches it to the copy of the record, and transmits it to the warden, directing the warden to execute the sentence at a time designated in the warrant." The same section gives the governor 30 days after the Florida Supreme Court clerk certifies a case, then a 180-day window inside which to set the date, and it hands him one more thing outright: if the clerk has not certified a case, the governor may sign anyway "where the executive clemency process has concluded," and that judgment is made, in the statute's own words, "in the Governor's sole discretion." The statute uses the phrase "sole discretion." I did not. Note the precondition, because it matters to what follows: concluding clemency is a required step. It is a check that exists on paper and that has not produced a grant since 1983, which is a sharper fact than no check at all.
The 180-day window matters more than it looks. Setting a date about 30 days after signing is not required by anything; it is a choice made inside a window six times that long. DPIC makes that same point in its own August 25 analysis of Florida's outlier year.
Two: eight jurors out of twelve. Florida Statutes § 921.141(2)(c): "If at least eight jurors determine that the defendant should be sentenced to death, the jury's recommendation to the court must be a sentence of death." That language arrived in 2023, in chapter 2023-23, Laws of Florida, effective April 20 of that year. Before it, Florida required all twelve.
On December 18, 2025, the Florida Supreme Court rejected constitutional challenges to that threshold. Six of seven justices joined. Justice Jorge Labarga concurred in the result and then wrote separately, and the sentence he wrote is the least arguable line in this entire piece, because it comes from the bench of the court that upheld it: "the 8-4 threshold renders Florida the absolute outlier among states that impose the death penalty. Florida now has the lowest standard in the nation, requiring the fewest number of jurors to recommend the death penalty."
Alabama, the next-lowest, requires ten.
Three: mercy is a dead letter. DPIC's Florida state record reports that no Florida governor has granted clemency to a death row prisoner since 1983, when Gov. Bob Graham granted six between 1976 and 1983. Six grants in fifty years, none in the last forty-three. The board exists. It has not produced a grant in the lifetime of most of the people reading this.
Put the three together and you get a system where a small jury majority is enough to condemn, one elected official alone decides who and when with no published standard, and the last check anybody names when they defend the arrangement, executive mercy, has not produced a grant since 1983.
The case that nothing new is happening here
Take the strongest version, because there is one.
Every person on this year's list was convicted of a capital murder, sentenced by a jury seated in the county where it happened, and carried through direct appeal, state postconviction review and federal habeas. These are not new cases. Most of them are older than the people arguing about them. The governor has said as much himself. At a November news conference, asked to explain the increase, he cited the pandemic and bureaucratic delay for the slow start of his tenure, said that meeting victims' families had hardened his resolve to see old sentences carried out, and offered a maxim: "There's a saying: Justice delayed is justice denied. We're doing it to be able to bring justice to the victims' families." His communications director, asked by ProPublica for comment, sent one line: "My advice to those who are seeking to avoid the death penalty in Florida would be to not murder people."
A state finishing an old process is not doing something new. That is the argument, and it is not stupid.
One in 2024. Nineteen in 2025.
Here is why the ratio answers it anyway.
Florida's crime history did not reorganize itself between 2024 and 2026. The state's own execution list proves it, because the list records the pace year by year. Two executions in 2019. None at all in 2020, 2021 or 2022. Six in 2023. One in all of 2024. Then nineteen in 2025 and fourteen through September 1 of 2026. Florida's previous high in the modern era, going back to 1979, was eight, hit in 1984 and again in 2014. Nineteen is more than double it.
Run the whole table and the shape is worse. Of the 139 executions Florida has carried out since 1976, thirty-three of them, roughly 24 percent, happened in the last twenty months.
The cases did not ripen on a schedule. The fourteen people executed in Florida this year had been on death row between 16 and 49 years, with a median of 34 and a half. They were convicted in twelve different counties for offenses committed between 1976 and 2008. No wave of newly exhausted appeals explains a jump from one to nineteen in a single year, and the governor's own stated reasons, quoted above, do not claim one. Meanwhile Florida juries handed down five new death sentences in 2025 and five again through August 2026, which is why DPIC's analysis concludes that the state is removing people from death row by execution roughly three times faster than its juries are adding them.
Backlogs empty at the speed the work allows. This one emptied at the speed somebody chose.
A statute, a ballot, and a public list
Three things, all dated, none of them "raise awareness."
The governor's office is on the ballot. The current governor is term-limited and leaves in January. Both of the statutory powers above sit with whoever replaces him, unchanged. The question that a campaign cannot answer with a slogan is a procedural one: Will you publish the standard you use to decide who gets a warrant and when? Not a position on capital punishment. A yes or no on disclosure. Ask it at a town hall, write down the answer, and notice which candidates treat "I will show you my criteria" as a hard question.
The eight-juror rule is a statute, not a constitutional provision. It was changed by ordinary legislation in one session in 2023, which means it can be changed back by ordinary legislation in one session. Bills get filed months before session opens, so the window is open now. Ask your own state representative and state senator, in writing, whether they will file or co-sponsor a bill restoring a unanimous jury requirement in capital sentencing. If you want a line to quote at them, use the one from the concurrence above; it belongs to a sitting justice of the court that upheld the law.
Read the state's own list. The Florida Department of Corrections execution list is not a leak and it is not an advocacy document. It is the government's public record of what it has done, kept by the agency that does it, and it takes about ten minutes to read. Fifty years of it fits on one page. Almost nobody opens it, and everything in this article that matters is in it. Corrections agencies publish more about themselves than people assume, which is how what is actually true about prison labor got established after the meme version had been passed around for years.
The Receipts
Every claim above traces to a document you can open yourself. DPIC's tables and Florida's execution list were re-read September 2, 2026; every other source was accessed September 1, 2026, and each line carries its own date.
- "Execution List 2026" (Death Penalty Information Center, last updated September 1, 2026; accessed September 2, 2026): both sentences quoted in the body and the row-level table behind the state breakdown, Florida 14 of the national 24.
- "Outcomes of Death Warrants in 2026" (Death Penalty Information Center, last updated September 1, 2026; accessed September 2, 2026): Florida's 17 warrants, 14 carried out, 1 inactive, 2 active, against a national 53 and 24; 15 warrants inactive.
- "Upcoming Executions" (Death Penalty Information Center, last updated September 1, 2026; accessed September 2, 2026): the rest of the 2026 schedule, two of September's seven remaining national dates Florida's.
- "Execution List: 1976 - present" (Florida Department of Corrections; accessed September 2, 2026): the executing agency's 139-row record and the primary for every historical figure here, including year counts and counties.
- Florida Statutes ch. 922, Execution (Florida Legislature, Online Sunshine; accessed September 1, 2026): § 922.052(3), quoted in the body, plus the 30-day and 180-day timetable at (2)(b) and the "sole discretion" phrase at (2)(c).
- Florida Statutes § 921.141 (Florida Legislature, Online Sunshine; "Sentence of death or life imprisonment for capital felonies"; accessed September 1, 2026): the quoted (2)(c) and the ch. 2023-23 history line, dated April 20, 2023 by SB 450.
- Michael James Jackson v. State of Florida, No. SC2023-1298 (Florida Supreme Court, December 18, 2025; slip opinion PDF, read on Justia's hosted copy; accessed September 1, 2026): Justice Labarga's concurrence in result, quoted word for word, and the vote line showing six justices in the majority.
- "Florida" state page (Death Penalty Information Center; accessed September 2, 2026): the clemency line, no grant since 1983, and the quick-facts panel, 256 on death row, 139 executions, 6 clemencies, 30 exonerations.
- "Florida's Outlier Status: Thirteen of the Nation's Twenty-Three Executions in 2026, Even as Executions Elsewhere Decline" (Death Penalty Information Center, August 25, 2026; accessed September 1, 2026): the signing-to-execution gap, Alabama's ten-juror threshold, Jackson and Hunt, and the sentence-to-execution rate.
- "Florida Is Executing Prisoners at a Record Pace, Even as Most of the U.S. Abandons the Death Penalty" (Pamela Colloff, ProPublica, co-published with The New York Times Magazine, June 30, 2026; accessed September 1, 2026): that the governor, not a court, sets the date with no published criteria, and the DeLiberato, governor and Lanfranconi quotes.
- "60% of US executions will come from this one state" (Jeff Brumley, Baptist News Global, August 31, 2026; accessed September 1, 2026): the discovery source that surfaced this story and its framing, cited for what it reported, never for a figure used above.